Published on English Life, July 1924.

By Giacomo Matteotti
Political Secretary of the Italian Socialist Party
This article is a reply to the article by Signor Mussolini which appeared in the June number of ENGLISH LIFE. Since this article was written Signor Matteotti was kidnapped by some Fascisti supporters and his fate is not yet known.
The democracy of England has lately been entertained by Signor Mussolini’s conversion to Machiavellian principles. In his extravagant article on Machiavelli it makes it clear that force is his sole political guide. Is observations upon Machiavelli are to be incorporated in perpetual form in a university thesis. They are worthy of analysis by one who has experience of Mussolini’s theories applied to government. He says that “they are very few heroes and saints who are now prepared to sacrifice themselves on the altar of the State. But there are many citizens willing to upset the altar and sacrifice that state for their own purposes. The French Revolution and other revolutions were an attempt to make government subject to the free will of the people. This theory is based on foolishness and untruths. Why? First of all the people have never been defined. Such a theory is merely a political abstraction. No one knows where it commences or where it ends. The adjective “sovereign” applied to the people is a tragic farce. At most the people appoint delegates but it is absurd to suppose that the people exercise sovereignty. There is little moral justification for representative government but a great deal can be said for its mechanical usefulness. Even in countries where representative government has always obtained, a time occurs when it is fatal to consult the people. In times of war the cardboard crown of sovereignty is stripped from the people (for it is only fit for normal times) and the people have no alternative but to plunge into the unknown perils or war or to declare for revolution. For such occasions the people have but one duty to affirm and obey. It is evident that the sovereignty graciously granted to the people is taken from it at the time when it is most needed. In fact it is only allowed to continue when it is innocuous or considered as such, that is to say during the placid course of ordinary administration. Concerning this point I should like to submit this question. Can anyone imagine a war being declared by referendum? A referendum is a very good thing when it is a question of choosing the best spot for placing the village pump. But when the supreme interest of the people are at stake even the most ultra-democratic Governments take care not to submit them to the judgment of the people.”
“Governments based exclusively on the will of the people have never existed do not exist and will probably never exist. I am supported in this view by a pregnant quotation from Machiavelli “Prince”: “Armed prophets conquer; those who are unarmed are ruined”. Because the nature of peoples is changeable; and while it is easy to persuade them of a thing, it is difficult to maintain them in the same persuasion. Therefore it is well to arrange things so that when people no longer believe they could be made to believe through force. Moses, Cyrus, Theseus and Romulus would not have been able to enforce their constitutions for long had they been disarmed”.
One makes bold to wonder whether England, the country of Gladstone and Bright, will appreciate such violent tyrannical sentiments – I think not. My last experience of England shows that democratic rule is slowly but surely impressing itself upon the vast imperial interest of England. It is a gradual growth which will be helped by such indiscretions as Mussolini’s championship of the hellish principles of Machiavelli. When Mussolini asks the question “can anyone imagine a war being declared by a referendum? A referendum is a very good thing when it is a question or choosing the best spot for placing the village pump but when the supreme interest of the people are a stake even the most ultra-democratic government take care not to submit them to the judgment of the people.” The answer is that the poor toiling common people would overwhelmingly declare against war if a referendum were granted to them. And why not? The word is decimated, beggared and torn asunder but the awful consequences of the late war. If referendums had been taken in the countries involved, there would have been no war.
According to Mussolini armed profits conquer. It may be so. But are their conquests permanent? No! Mussolini himself, by great energy has made a form of government dependent upon the sword, upon violence, upon political perversions. The vigour of his views, the power of his ruthless followers have for a time suppressed the democracy of Italy. It will rise again. Already the Fascist rule is gravely prejudiced by the methods of its leaders and by the sinister commercial activities pursued by high officials whose formidable power prevents public supervision of the trust they administer. Such things cannot long be stifled. Even now facts emerged upon which our country will be called to pass judgment.
The conduct of the Banca Commerciale in regard to the Polish loan is an instance of the unbridled avarice permitted by the Fascisti rulers. Much worse are the actions of the Ministry of National Economy in its dealings with the Sinclair Oil Company. Senator Corbino, the Minister of National Economy as handed over vast spaces of land in Emilia and Sicily containing over 100,000th hectares* (*about 250,000 acres) of rich oil deposits to the Sinclair Oil Company which is connected with the octopus-like Standard Oil Trust. These immensely rich territory is conferred upon a foreign company without safeguards. The startling nature of this concession is illustrated by the ninth paragraph of the official communique of the government: – “The concession embraces the production of mineral oils, gas and relative hydro-carbon products while the exploitation of bituminous rocks is reserved for Italian Enterprise. The agreement has a duration of 50 years. The fiscal privileges conceded to the company are as follows: a) exemption from import duties in the case of machinery required by the company should it not be feasible to obtain such machinery from Italian firms. In every case the preference of furnishing these machinery is reserved should all other terms be equal; (b) exemption from income tax for the first ten years.”
We are already aware of many grave irregularities concerning this concession. High officials can be charged with treasonable corruption or of the most disgraceful jobbery. Far more sinister is the conduct or many leading Fascisti, who conduct a widespread levy upon private and semi-public enterprises with the object or maintaining Fascist newspapers and other organizations for their interest and profit.
When Mussolini states in his article upon Machiavelli that “there is little moral justification for representative government” he might examine the system built by himself, which is in parts an outrage against morality.
While he’s busy denouncing the defects of democracy, an uncontrollable section of his followers are committing crimes of violence and blackmail. He makes little effort to rebuke them. He cannot suppress them, for upon their shoulders he has climbed to his high seat. They having put him there regarding him as their supporter, and he is powerless to control their evil designs.
Would Machiavelli have permitted this situation? He would not. He knew that a state must perish if privileged bullies can commit crimes without restriction. Mussolini invokes his authority to justify his policy. He should read his Master with greater application. Let in turn to the 18 chapter of the Prince and read what Machiavelli thought concerning Government. “It should therefore be known that there are two ways of deciding any question. The one by laws. The other by force. The first is peculiar to men, the second to beasts”. Or again in the 9th chapter of the “Prince”. “Let no one quote the old proverb against me that he who relies on the people builds on a sandy foundation. He may be true of a single citizen opposed to powerful enemies or oppressed by the magistrates as happened to the Gracchi at Rome and to George Scali at Florence; but a prince who is not deficient in courage and is able to command, who is not dejected by ill fortune, not deficient in necessary preparations, knows how to preserve order in his States by his own valour and conduct, need never repent of having laid the foundation of the security on his people’s affections.”
The democracy in Italy may now slumber, but sentiments such as Mussolini’s cannot fail to steal their sloth. Instead of such crude effusions as this article on Machiavelli, Mussolini might apply himself to cleansing his creation – the Fascisti – whose public actions tend to make Italy infamous throughout the world.
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